I've been reading lately about different political traits and tendencies that define four generations of Taiwanese citizens. One thing stuck out in the course of my readings. From Taiwan's Rising Rationalism: Generations, Politics, and "Taiwanese Nationalism" (PDF) by one of the foremost Taiwan scholars around Shelly Rigger* [emphasis mine]:

The New DPP movement attracted strong support from third-generation DPP politicians. More than 70 legislators, led by another former student movement activist, Lee Wen-chung (b. 1958), announced their support for the idea. A group of third-generation legislators asked their colleagues to commit themselves to a "self-discipline" pledge to show their opposition to corruption. Despite strong support from young party members, however, senior leaders shut down the movement and forbade further discussion of a New DPP movement. Their decision was clearly aimed at crushing a challenge from the third generation, and it was followed by a series of hard-line decisions from the Chen administration on cross-strait issues that seemed almost calculated to frustrate and disappoint young DPP politicians. Apparently, some in the second generation find the third generation's rising influence threatening.**

This was the first I had ever heard of the "New DPP movement," but it seems to be an interesting manifestation of a growing political generation gap that may be causing more tension and division in the DPP than in the KMT. As the study shows -- and most people, I think, wouldn't dispute -- younger Taiwanese aren't nearly as preoccupied with the possibility of a Chinese invasion or even with the KMT's past atrocities as they are with one thing: the economy. Seeing as the KMT would like to downplay history, they are seen as focusing more on the future -- whether or not they bring anything new to the table. On the other hand, a lot of young people see the DPP as being stuck in the past, unable to do anything but rehash the ills done by men who are already, for the most part, dead and gone.

I'm certainly not saying that the issues that the second-generation DPP focuses on are trivial. Stolen assets, state-sponsored murder, and the rectification of history are all crucial to Taiwan, and I know that the KMT's majority in the legislature has been one of the main reasons that very little has been accomplished as far as those issues are concerned. Yet, the older DPP politicians may need to suck it up for now and acknowledge that there are problems now that demand immediate attention and, more importantly, airtime. It seems to me that much of the burgeoning disdain for the DPP in 2005, illustrated in the quote below from this article, is still palpable in the lead up to this year's elections, and it doesn't bode well for the DPP.

After almost six years in power, the performance of the DPP administration has disappointed a number of pan-green diehards, with some gloomily wondering whether the DPP is losing its ideals and ability to improve itself. It has also alienated a large segment of the party's grassroots supporters, the very people who had helped to elect the then 14-year-old DPP in 2000.

Some supporters are beginning to wonder whether the DPP has turned into the equivalent of the old Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) regime it used to fight against -- a corrupt party leading a corrupt government. This kind of sentiment was especially prominent in the wake of the recent spate of scandals plaguing the DPP administration -- one of them being Kaohsiung's problematic MRT project. An Aug. 21 riot, ignited by Thai laborers protesting against their poor living conditions, unexpectedly brought to light a complex influence-peddling scheme in which ranking government officials apparently exploited Thai workers while pocketing money from the project's construction funds.

In the early days after the formation of the DPP, its members frequently attacked the KMT government with biting criticism for granting privileges to certain groups. They spoke of their hopes for reform with honesty and uprightness.

Back then, whenever they touched upon issues of national or civic unfairness, such as the special pension system for teachers, civil servants and military personnel, the DPP was full of fire, trumpeting social fairness and justice.

It has been almost six years since the DPP took power, but how many of the unfair regulations it criticized so severely back then have changed? What happened to the DPP's reform promises and its image of being honorable and free of corruption? Is there any difference between the DPP's current behavior and that of the late-era KMT regime? While it remains to be seen whether the "New DPP Movement" will be a boon or a liability for the DPP, it is clear that only by returning to its founding spirit and original goals will the party be able to represent the hopes of its supporters.

I'm not saying that the DPP hasn't focused on the things that young people are worried about, but it certainly doesn't seem to have been their main priority.

* Yes, I know everyone's not particularly happy with her right now, or ever perhaps
** Second-generation Taiwanese are those born between 1931 and 1953, and third-generation are those born between '54 and '68.